This joint resolution directs the President to remove U.S. Armed Forces from hostilities against certain designated terrorist organizations and drug traffickers unless explicitly authorized by Congress.
Adam Schiff
Senator
CA
This joint resolution directs the President to remove United States Armed Forces from hostilities against designated terrorist organizations and drug trafficking groups that have not received specific authorization from Congress. It asserts that recent military strikes against vessels do not constitute a sufficient basis for ongoing military action without a formal declaration of war. The bill mandates that the use of force against these targets must cease unless explicitly approved by Congress, while preserving the right to self-defense.
This joint resolution is essentially Congress stepping in and saying, “Hold up, we need to talk about where the military is being deployed.” It directs the President to stop using the U.S. Armed Forces for any hostilities against foreign terrorist organizations or drug trafficking groups designated after February 20, 2025, unless Congress specifically signs off. The core message is clear: if the Executive Branch wants to engage the military against these newer threats, they need to come to Congress first for a formal declaration of war or a specific Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF).
Congress is using this resolution to hit the reset button on who gets to decide when we go to war. They point out that under the Constitution (Article I, Section 8), only Congress has the power to declare war. The resolution finds that recent military strikes—like the ones against two vessels in September 2025—qualify as "hostilities" that trigger the need for Congressional approval under the War Powers Resolution. Think of it this way: for years, Presidents have been operating with broad, decades-old authorizations, but this resolution draws a hard line, saying that new threats require new votes. For busy people, this means increased accountability; if the U.S. military gets involved in a new conflict, it should be because your elected representatives debated and voted on it, not just because an existing authorization was stretched to cover a new situation.
One of the most interesting parts is how it tackles drug trafficking. The resolution specifically prohibits the use of military force against non-state groups involved in illegal drug trafficking, unless Congress authorizes it. It makes a point of stating that drug trafficking alone does not qualify as an "armed attack" or an "imminent threat" that would allow the military to intervene without a vote. This is a crucial distinction. It stops the Executive Branch from using the military for what is essentially a law enforcement or intelligence problem, which is a major win for keeping the military focused on defense while committing Congress to providing other tools—like law enforcement and port technology—to combat drug cartels. For the average person, this means less risk of the U.S. getting dragged into military conflicts under the guise of the "War on Drugs."
Crucially, this resolution doesn't tie the President’s hands when it comes to immediate self-defense. The military can still defend itself if it's under an armed attack or if an attack is about to happen immediately. However, this is also where the resolution gets a little fuzzy. Terms like "imminent threat" are often debated and can be interpreted broadly by the Executive Branch to justify action without a vote. This potential loophole is something to watch, as Presidents have historically relied on broad interpretations of self-defense to circumvent Congressional approval. The resolution attempts to minimize this by explicitly ruling out drug trafficking as an "imminent threat," but the definition of an "armed attack" remains a potential gray area that could still allow the Executive Branch to act first and ask for permission later.