This Act limits the tenure of CDC and NIH directors, restructures the CDC's strategic focus and advisory committee appointments, transfers several CDC offices to the NIH, and places Congressional oversight on public health emergency extensions.
Eric Schmitt
Senator
MO
The Public Health Improvement Act establishes term limits for the Directors of the CDC and NIH, restricts the scope of the CDC's strategic plan, and restructures the appointment process for the CDC's advisory committee. It also clarifies the Secretary of HHS's authority to regulate communicable disease vectors and requires Congressional approval for extending public health emergencies. Finally, the Act mandates the transfer of several key public health offices from the CDC to the NIH within two years.
The new Public Health Improvement Act makes some major structural changes to how the federal government handles public health, focusing on agency leadership, planning, and who gets to advise the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). At its core, the bill imposes a hard 12-year term limit on the Directors of both the CDC and the National Institutes of Health (NIH) (SEC. 2). It also mandates a significant administrative shakeup, forcing eight major CDC offices—including those focused on Chronic Disease, Environmental Health, and Injury Prevention—to transfer wholesale to the NIH within two years (SEC. 7).
Imagine finally finding a great manager who knows the job inside and out, only to be forced to let them go after 12 years—no exceptions. That’s essentially what Section 2 does to the leaders of the CDC and NIH. While the idea of rotating leadership is often pitched as a way to prevent stagnation, this rule means that even highly effective directors, especially those managing long-term projects or navigating complex crises, will be forced out once they hit that 12-year mark. For everyday people, this could mean less stable leadership during ongoing public health challenges, potentially disrupting the long-term research needed to tackle issues like cancer or chronic illness.
One of the most concerning shifts is how the bill rewrites the CDC’s mandatory strategic plan (SEC. 3). Currently, the CDC is required to plan for a broad range of issues, including "noncommunicable diseases or conditions, and addressing injuries, and occupational and environmental hazards." This bill explicitly removes the requirement to focus on injuries and environmental/occupational hazards, narrowing the focus primarily to "diseases." If you work in construction, manufacturing, or any industry where occupational safety is key, this change is huge. Historically, the CDC’s National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH)—which is one of the offices being transferred to the NIH under Section 7—has been critical in setting safety standards and researching workplace risks. By de-emphasizing these areas in the CDC’s core mission, the bill signals a potential future reduction in resources and attention for everything from car crash prevention to researching the health effects of pollution in your neighborhood.
Section 4 completely overhauls how the CDC Director’s advisory committee is appointed. Instead of the Secretary of Health and Human Services (HHS) appointing most members, the power shifts dramatically to Congressional leaders. The Senate Majority and Minority Leaders each get two appointments, and the Speaker and Minority Leader of the House also get two each. Even the Comptroller General gets four slots. This means that the committee advising the CDC will now be heavily populated by political appointees chosen by partisan leaders, rather than primarily by public health experts selected by the executive branch. For the average person, this could mean that the advice driving public health policies becomes more political and less scientifically independent.
Finally, Section 9 includes a broad preemption clause. This is the part of the bill that says if this new law conflicts with any existing rule—whether it’s a federal, state, tribal, or local law or guidance—this new Act wins. In practice, this clause gives the federal government a powerful tool to override local public health measures. For example, if a local health department wanted to implement a specific regulation to address a regional environmental hazard, but that regulation was deemed inconsistent with the new federal framework, the local rule could be nullified. This could seriously hamstring the ability of state and local officials to respond quickly and specifically to the unique health needs of their communities, from a city council to a tribal authority.