PolicyBrief
S. 860
119th CongressMar 27th 2025
Break Up Suspicious Transactions of Fentanyl Act
AWAITING SENATE

This bill mandates new reporting requirements on international drug control, directs a study on combating fentanyl trafficking from China, and expands U.S. sanctions authority against those facilitating the opioid trade.

James Risch
R

James Risch

Senator

ID

LEGISLATION

BUST FENTANYL Act Expands Sanctions Power, Prioritizes Targeting China's Role in Opioid Supply Chain

This bill, officially nicknamed the “BUST FENTANYL Act,” is a major push to disrupt the international flow of fentanyl and its precursor chemicals, primarily by focusing on entities in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and expanding the U.S. government’s power to impose financial sanctions.

The New Fentanyl Playbook: Reports and Pressure

If you think government reports are boring, this bill makes them feel a lot more urgent. The legislation mandates a series of detailed reports and briefings aimed squarely at China’s role in the fentanyl supply chain (SEC. 3). Within 180 days of the bill passing, the State Department and the Attorney General must deliver a comprehensive report to Congress. This report isn't just a status update; it’s a detailed plan covering everything from how the U.S. is pushing China to control unregulated precursor chemicals (like 4AP) to how much China’s financial system is cooperating in stopping drug money laundering. They even have to assess how effective it would be to sanction the top corporate officers of Chinese financial institutions if those institutions are helping traffickers.

Think of it this way: the U.S. is demanding China show its work, and the bill requires a plan for the next steps if cooperation isn't satisfactory. This includes checking whether the recent U.S.-Canada-Mexico Trilateral Fentanyl Committee is actually improving coordination against Chinese financial groups involved in trafficking. For busy people, this means increased diplomatic pressure could lead to real supply chain disruption, potentially stemming the flow of deadly drugs into U.S. communities.

Prioritizing Sanctions and Expanding the Target List

The most significant change here is the massive expansion of who the President can sanction. The bill requires the President to prioritize identifying individuals and groups from the PRC involved in shipping fentanyl components or equipment to Mexico or other countries that then funnel the drugs into the U.S. (SEC. 4). This priority focus lasts until the PRC is no longer deemed the main source of these components.

Crucially, the bill broadens the criteria for sanctions under the Fentanyl Sanctions Act (SEC. 5). The President can now sanction any foreign person who, after the bill passes, has “knowingly done something significant” to help opioid trafficking. This includes people who receive property or assets derived from illicit trafficking, or those who provide financial or technical support to traffickers. This means the net is cast wider, catching not just the drug manufacturer, but also the money launderer or the logistics company that knowingly shipped the goods.

Hitting Foreign Government Agencies

In a major escalation, the bill grants the President the power to sanction entire foreign government bodies—agencies, political subdivisions, or state-owned financial institutions—if they are found to be knowingly aiding opioid trafficking (SEC. 6). Furthermore, the top senior officials of those agencies can also be individually targeted for sanctions. This provision is powerful and signals that the U.S. is willing to use its economic leverage against foreign governments that turn a blind eye or actively assist drug trafficking operations. While this offers a huge new tool against international crime, it also carries the risk of diplomatic fallout, as targeting a state-owned bank is a serious international move.

Keeping Tabs on Meth and Deadlines

Beyond fentanyl, the bill also updates reporting requirements for methamphetamine. The annual report on meth smuggling from Mexico must now specifically name the major source countries impacting the U.S. and detail what those countries are doing to fight the flow of precursor chemicals and the drug itself (SEC. 7). Finally, the deadline for the International Narcotics Control Strategy Report is shifted from March 1st to June 1st (SEC. 2), giving officials a little more time to compile the detailed international data required.