This Act establishes U.S. policy to combat forced organ harvesting in China, imposes sanctions on involved individuals, and mandates a report on China's transplant practices, particularly concerning Falun Gong practitioners.
Ted Cruz
Senator
TX
The Falun Gong Protection Act establishes a firm U.S. policy to cease cooperation with China on organ transplantation until the practice ends. This bill mandates sanctions, including asset freezes and travel bans, against foreign individuals knowingly involved in forced organ harvesting in China. Furthermore, it requires a comprehensive government report detailing China's transplant practices and an atrocity determination regarding the persecution of Falun Gong.
The newly introduced Falun Gong Protection Act is throwing down a serious marker on human rights, aiming squarely at the practice of forced organ harvesting in the People's Republic of China (PRC). The core of this bill is simple: the U.S. government will cease all cooperation with the PRC on organ transplantation and use targeted sanctions to force the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to end state-sponsored organ harvesting programs (SEC. 2).
This isn't just a strongly worded letter. The bill grants the President significant, immediate power to identify and penalize anyone involved in involuntary organ harvesting in China. The President has 180 days after the bill becomes law to compile a public list of foreign individuals and groups who knowingly and directly helped with or carried out these activities (SEC. 3).
If you land on that list, two major things happen. First, the U.S. government must freeze all your property and assets that are in the U.S. or controlled by a U.S. person. Second, you get a lifetime travel ban to the U.S.; any existing visas are immediately canceled. This is a severe financial and personal penalty aimed at cutting off perpetrators from the U.S. financial system and travel access. For instance, a high-ranking official involved in these practices would suddenly find their U.S. bank accounts locked and their ability to visit family or conduct business here permanently revoked.
The bill does include some necessary guardrails, though. Sanctions won't apply to transactions involving food, medicine, agricultural goods, or vital humanitarian aid (SEC. 3). This is crucial for making sure the penalties don't inadvertently harm regular people. There is also a major exception for U.S. importers: the sanctions authority does not include the power to penalize anyone just for bringing goods into the country (SEC. 5). So, if you run a business importing widgets from China, you won't be penalized under this specific law just for the act of importing, even if the manufacturer is somehow linked to a sanctioned entity. The President can also waive any sanction if it’s deemed absolutely necessary for U.S. national security interests, though they must report this to Congress every 120 days. This national security waiver is a point to watch, as it gives the Executive Branch significant discretion to shield certain individuals if it benefits U.S. interests.
Beyond the sanctions, the bill forces the U.S. government to get serious about data. The Secretary of State, working with the National Institutes of Health, must produce a detailed public report within one year. This report needs to estimate the number of annual transplants in China, the sources of the organs, and assess whether the reported timeline for transplants makes sense given the number of known voluntary donors (SEC. 4). This mandated transparency is a big deal, as it forces the U.S. to publicly confront the data surrounding these abuses.
Perhaps the most significant reporting requirement is the mandate for the Secretary of State to make a formal determination: Does the persecution of Falun Gong practitioners in China count as an “atrocity” under existing U.S. law? This isn't just semantics; classifying the persecution as an atrocity triggers specific requirements and responses from the U.S. government, potentially raising the stakes significantly in the diplomatic arena. This entire sanctions authority, by the way, has a built-in expiration date: it automatically stops five years after the Act becomes law (SEC. 3).