PolicyBrief
S. 1296
119th CongressApr 3rd 2025
Defending Education Transparency and Ending Rogue Regimes Engaging in Nefarious Transactions Act
IN COMMITTEE

The DETERRENT Act mandates increased federal and institutional transparency regarding foreign gifts and contracts for colleges, bans certain contracts with "countries of concern," and establishes strict enforcement penalties for non-compliance.

Thom Tillis
R

Thom Tillis

Senator

NC

LEGISLATION

The DETERRENT Act Cranks Up University Foreign Gift Reporting: New $50K Threshold and Massive Fines for Non-Compliance

The newly proposed DETERRENT Act—officially the Defending Education Transparency and Ending Rogue Regimes Engaging in Nefarious Transactions Act—is about to drop a massive compliance bomb on America’s colleges and universities. In short, this bill dramatically increases federal oversight of how higher education institutions (especially those doing big research or receiving Title VI funding) handle money, gifts, and contracts from foreign sources. It’s designed to shine a light on foreign influence, but the real-world impact is a huge new administrative lift and the potential for crippling financial penalties.

The New Rules: Everything is Reportable

Right now, schools generally only have to report foreign gifts and contracts that hit a high threshold. This bill slashes that threshold from $500,000 annually down to just $50,000 or more from any single foreign source (Sec. 2). If your university has a $40,000 research contract with a European lab and a $15,000 gift from the same country’s foundation, they now have to report that $55,000 total to the Department of Education (DOE). This is a massive expansion of what gets tracked.

More critically, if the money comes from a designated “foreign country of concern” or “foreign entity of concern,” the reporting threshold drops to zero. That means even a small $500 gift from a source on the concern list must be reported. The DOE then has to dump all this detailed information—including the terms, intended use, and any restrictions—into a new, public, searchable online database within 30 days of receiving it (Sec. 2).

The Ban Hammer and the Waiver Gauntlet

The most significant policy shift is the near-total ban on new contracts with these designated “countries of concern” (Sec. 2). Universities cannot sign a new deal with a designated entity unless they get a special waiver from the Secretary of Education. This isn't a simple form; the school must prove two things: first, that the contract benefits the school's mission and students, and second, that it will help the “security, stability, and economic vitality of the U.S.”

The waiver only lasts for one year and requires the Secretary to consult with agencies like the FBI and Department of Defense before granting it. If a university has an existing, multi-year research partnership with a newly designated entity, they have 60 days to terminate it or successfully apply for a renewal waiver (Sec. 2). For faculty members running labs that rely on international collaboration, this introduces serious political risk and uncertainty into long-term research planning.

Big Brother and the Compliance Officer

This bill doesn't just ask schools to report; it forces them to build an internal surveillance system. Institutions must designate one to three compliance officers who must certify, under penalty, that every report is accurate and that the school used “reasonable effort and due diligence” (Sec. 4). This means that every time a department accepts a foreign grant, someone's job is on the line to ensure the paperwork is perfect and that the source isn't secretly nefarious.

Furthermore, for institutions receiving large federal research grants, the bill mandates that faculty and staff (“covered individuals”) must report any gift over “minimal value” or any contract over $5,000 from a foreign source to the school annually (Sec. 3). For contracts with a “country of concern,” even a $0 contract must be reported, and the staff member’s privacy protections are explicitly removed (Sec. 3). This is a huge shift, making the financial dealings of individual researchers and staff subject to institutional and public scrutiny, particularly if they work with a designated country.

The Financial Stakes Are Astronomical

If a university knowingly or willfully violates these rules, the financial penalties are brutal and escalating (Sec. 4). For a first failure to report a known contract, the fine is the greater of $50,000 or the contract’s value. For a repeat offense, it doubles to the greater of $100,000 or twice the contract’s value.

If the violation involves the new waiver rules or the internal compliance policies, the fines are tied to the school’s federal funding. A first offense can cost the school between 5% and 10% of their total federal funds from the last fiscal year. A repeat offense jumps to at least 20% of those funds (Sec. 4). If a school is sued three times for compliance failure and is blocked from getting a waiver, they become ineligible for all federal student aid programs for at least two years (Sec. 4). For most institutions, losing access to federal student loans and grants is a death sentence.

Ultimately, while the goal of increased transparency and national security protection is clear, the DETERRENT Act places an immense, costly, and potentially chilling administrative burden on higher education. Schools will need to hire compliance teams, lawyers, and translators just to keep up, and researchers will likely steer clear of any international collaboration that might trigger this complex and unforgiving regulatory regime.