The Redistricting Reform Act of 2025 mandates the use of independent, nonpartisan commissions to draw fair congressional maps based on strict criteria, while establishing federal court oversight and administrative procedures to ensure compliance.
Zoe Lofgren
Representative
CA-18
The Redistricting Reform Act of 2025 fundamentally overhauls congressional map-drawing by mandating the use of independent, non-partisan commissions in every state. This legislation establishes strict, prioritized criteria for map creation, explicitly banning partisan manipulation and requiring maps to prioritize community representation over political advantage. Furthermore, it sets firm deadlines for map enactment and establishes clear federal court procedures to intervene if states fail to adopt a lawful plan. Overall, the bill aims to ensure fairer congressional representation by removing map-drawing authority from state legislatures.
The Redistricting Reform Act of 2025 is Congress’s attempt to end partisan gerrymandering once and for all. This bill fundamentally changes how congressional district maps are drawn, forcing every state to use an independent commission with strict rules about who can serve and how lines must be drawn. While the biggest changes won't kick in until the maps are redrawn after the 2030 census (Sec. 405), the standards it sets are a massive shift in power from state politicians to nonpartisan experts and federal courts. The core idea is to make sure your vote counts equally, regardless of where you live or which party you prefer.
Under this Act, map drawing must follow a strict, prioritized list of criteria (Sec. 103). First, districts must have equal population and fully comply with the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (VRA). This is critical for protecting minority voting strength. Second, they must prioritize keeping communities of interest together—think neighborhoods that share ethnic, economic, or geographic ties—but explicitly not political party affiliation. The biggest change is the explicit, enforceable ban on drawing maps to favor one political party over another (Sec. 103(b)).
How do they check for fairness? They’ll run computer simulations based on the last eight years of federal elections to model how the proposed map would perform. If the map gives one party an advantage greater than 7 percent or one congressional district, whichever is larger, in two out of four recent statewide elections (Presidential and Senate), the map is automatically presumed illegal. This is the bill’s serious attempt to move the fight over fairness from political arguments to statistical analysis, giving courts a clear metric to block partisan maps.
Forget state legislators drawing maps behind closed doors. The bill mandates a 15-member Independent Redistricting Commission in every state, unless the state already has a commission that meets the bill's strict standards (Sec. 101). The selection process is designed to be highly impartial and diverse (Sec. 201, 202).
If you or an immediate family member are a lobbyist, recent political candidate, or political consultant, you’re likely banned from serving. The commission must be balanced, including members from the two largest parties and those who are unaffiliated. Crucially, the final map can only be approved if it receives a majority vote that includes at least one member from each of those three categories—majority party, minority party, and independent (Sec. 201(b)(3)). This forces compromise and prevents any single party from dominating the process.
This shift is a huge blow to the political class. State politicians lose their biggest tool for self-preservation, and the lobbyists and consultants who make a living designing partisan maps are locked out entirely. For the rest of us, it means the people drawing the lines are less likely to be career politicians and more likely to be civic-minded citizens.
If you’re worried about the commission being secret, don't be. The bill requires extreme transparency (Sec. 203). The commission must have a public website posting every draft map, all public comments, video recordings of meetings, and even the political spending disclosures of their staff and contractors. They must hold multiple public hearings before drawing the first draft and after publishing the preliminary map, giving you ample opportunity to submit your own map ideas or feedback.
What if a state tries to stall or misses the deadline? Federal courts step in immediately. If the state hasn't enacted a final map by the deadline (February 15th of the election year or 90 days before the primary, whichever is earliest), any citizen can sue, and a three-judge federal panel will take over and draw the map themselves (Sec. 301). Furthermore, the bill bans mid-decade redistricting—meaning once the map is set after the census, the state can't redraw it until the next census, preventing opportunistic power grabs (Sec. 102).
While the intent is excellent, there are administrative hurdles. The bill requires a new Select Committee on Redistricting composed of partisan legislative leaders to approve the pool of commission candidates (Sec. 204). This committee has the power to reject the candidate pool up to three times, potentially stalling the process and forcing a court takeover (Sec. 202(b)(4)). This is a critical pressure point where partisan interests could still try to sabotage the independent process.
To help states manage the cost of setting up these new commissions, the bill authorizes the Election Assistance Commission (EAC) to send money to states based on the number of Representatives they have (Sec. 401). A state with 10 Representatives, for example, would receive $1.5 million ($150,000 per Representative) to fund the process.