This Act mandates that states use an independent commission or the state's highest court to draw congressional districts after the 2030 census, preventing mid-decade redistricting except by court order.
Steve Cohen
Representative
TN-9
The John Tanner and Jim Cooper Fairness and Independence in Redistricting Act mandates that states must use an independent, non-partisan commission to draw new congressional district maps following the 2030 census. This law prohibits mid-decade redistricting unless ordered by a court and provides federal funding to states that establish the required commission. The new rules ensure that map drawing is transparent, public, and adheres to strict constitutional criteria, taking effect after the 2030 census results are available.
This new proposal, the John Tanner and Jim Cooper Fairness and Independence in Redistricting Act, is a major federal attempt to take the power of drawing Congressional district maps out of the hands of state politicians and put it into the hands of independent commissions or the courts. In short, it mandates that after the 2030 census, every state must use a map drawn by an independent commission—or the state’s highest court—for its Congressional districts. Once that map is drawn, states are barred from redrawing the lines mid-decade, locking the boundaries in place for ten years unless a court forces a change to fix a constitutional or voting rights violation. This is a big deal because it shifts who controls the boundaries that determine who represents you in Washington.
Think about the stability of your local school district or fire zone boundaries; you expect them to stay put for a while. Section 2 of this bill applies that same principle to Congressional districts. Currently, some states can redraw their maps whenever they feel like it, often leading to political maneuvering that favors the party in power. This bill puts a full stop to that. Once a state draws its map following the 2030 census, that map is final for the whole decade. The only exception is if a court steps in, usually because the map violates the ‘one person, one vote’ rule or the Voting Rights Act. For busy people, this means less political chaos and more certainty about which district they live in for the long haul.
The core of the bill (Sections 3, 4, and 5) is about who gets to draw the lines. State legislatures, which are often highly partisan, are cut out of the process entirely. The law requires states to use a map created by an Independent Redistricting Commission. If that commission fails to get a map passed, the state’s highest court steps in to pick one of the commission’s proposals. If the state court drops the ball, the U.S. District Court where the state capital is located must draw and publish a map within 30 days. This creates a clear judicial backstop, ensuring a map gets drawn even if political actors stall.
Section 4 lays out strict rules for these new commissions. The goal is to make them non-partisan, but the process is complex. Members must be registered voters who haven't held public office, run for office, or worked for a political party in the four years prior to appointment. Crucially, they must also pledge not to run for Congress until the next census. This is a huge time commitment and a career pause for potential commissioners.
When drawing the maps, the commission is required to prioritize keeping existing political boundaries together—counties first, then cities, then neighborhoods—and ensure districts are compact and connected. Here’s the big kicker for reducing gerrymandering: the commission is forbidden from considering past voting data, the political party makeup of an area, or where current representatives live. That means no more surgical strikes to protect incumbents or pack opposition voters into a few districts, unless a state has an existing law specifically requiring the creation of competitive districts.
To help states manage this massive operational shift, Section 7 offers federal funding: $150,000 for every Congressional representative the state has. But there's a catch: states only get this money if they certify that the independent commission has been established and its chair appointed. If your state only has one representative (like Alaska or Wyoming), you don't get any funding. The bill also mandates radical transparency (Section 4): commissions must hold public meetings, maintain a public website with all the detailed census data, and even provide interactive software so ordinary citizens can try their hand at drawing a map and submit their proposals. This is a huge win for public access.
If this bill becomes law, the immediate impact is zero. Section 10 states that the entire Act doesn't take effect until after the 2030 census. This means the current decade’s maps and the next few election cycles are unaffected. However, for the 2032 election and beyond, this represents a fundamental change. Power over the map drawing shifts from elected state officials to unelected commissions and judges, which is a major shift in power dynamics. While the intent is to reduce partisan gerrymandering and create fairer maps, it also means state legislatures lose a powerful tool, potentially increasing the role of federal courts in state affairs. It’s a trade-off: less partisan control, but more judicial control over the process.