George Floyd Act Ties Police Funding to Ban on Chokeholds and No-Knock Drug Warrants, Overhauls Qualified Immunity

The George Floyd Justice in Policing Act of 2025 is a massive, structural overhaul of how policing works in the U.S., hitting everything from federal law to local grants. At its core, this bill aims to increase accountability and standardize practices across the board. Key changes include making it easier to sue officers for misconduct, establishing a national registry to track bad cops, and forcing federal agencies to adopt strict new rules on use of force and body cameras.

The End of Qualified Immunity (Sort Of)

If you’ve ever wondered why it’s so hard to sue a police officer for violating your rights, the answer often comes down to 'qualified immunity.' This bill takes a sledgehammer to that shield. Section 102 removes the defense that an officer was acting in “good faith” or that the specific right they violated wasn’t “clearly established” at the time. What this means for everyday people is that if a local or federal officer violates your constitutional rights—say, excessive force during an arrest—the legal path to holding them personally accountable in a civil lawsuit just got a whole lot clearer. This is arguably the biggest liability shift in the bill, moving the financial risk from the victim back onto the officer and the department.

Accountability by the Numbers: Tracking Misconduct

For years, officers fired for misconduct in one state could simply cross the border and get hired in another. The bill addresses this head-on by establishing a National Police Misconduct Registry (Sec. 201). This central database will track complaints, disciplinary actions, terminations, and settlements involving use of force or racial profiling. Furthermore, states and local governments must now have a system for certifying and decertifying officers (Sec. 202) and report an officer’s training status to the Attorney General to be eligible for Byrne grant money. If you’re a hiring manager in a police department, you’re now required to check this registry before making an offer, which should help filter out officers with documented histories of misconduct.

No More Chokeholds or No-Knock Drug Raids

Title III uses federal funding as leverage to force policy changes at the local level. Starting one year after enactment, if a state or local government wants federal money from the Byrne or COPS grant programs, they must have laws in place that ban chokeholds and carotid holds (Sec. 363) and ban no-knock warrants for drug cases (Sec. 362). For communities concerned about dangerous entry tactics and potentially lethal restraints, this bill creates a direct financial incentive for local governments to adopt safer policies. If your local police department still allows these tactics, they stand to lose out on critical federal funding for things like equipment and training.

The New Standard for Force: Necessary and Proportional

For federal law enforcement (and local agencies seeking Byrne grants), the bill establishes the PEACE Act (Sec. 364), which dramatically changes when force can be used. Federal officers can only use less lethal force if they have probable cause to arrest, the force is necessary and proportional, and they have exhausted all reasonable alternatives. Deadly force is restricted to an absolute last resort to prevent immediate death or serious injury. If an officer’s own gross negligence leads to a situation requiring force, they can no longer claim justification as a defense in court. This sets a much higher bar than the current legal standard, requiring officers to prioritize de-escalation and limiting the use of force to situations where it is truly unavoidable.

Cameras On, Facial Recognition Off

Title III, Subtitle C mandates strict rules for federal law enforcement regarding body cameras and in-car video. Cameras must be worn and recording during all stops and interactions (Sec. 372). Critically, the bill bans facial recognition technology from being included in or used with any camera or recording device authorized under this Act (Sec. 374). This is a win for privacy advocates and means federal law enforcement can’t use these devices for mass surveillance. The footage retention rules are also strict: generally 6 months, but extended to 3 years if the footage involves use of force or a complaint is filed.

Ending the “Consent Loophole” for Sexual Misconduct

Title IV closes a dangerous gap by creating a new federal crime for law enforcement officers who engage in sexual acts with anyone in their custody, even if they claim the person consented (Sec. 402). This recognizes the power imbalance inherent in custodial relationships, making consent legally irrelevant in these situations. Furthermore, states must adopt similar laws to be eligible for COPS grant funding (Sec. 403), ensuring that officers who abuse their authority in this way face serious consequences and cannot use the victim’s supposed consent as a shield.

The Militarization Drawdown

Finally, the Stop Militarizing Law Enforcement Act (Sec. 365) severely restricts the Department of Defense’s 1033 program, which transfers surplus military equipment to local police. The bill bans the transfer of specific items like tracked armored vehicles, grenade launchers, bayonets, and many types of firearms. For local agencies, acquiring military-grade gear just got much harder, which should ease community concerns about police over-militarization, though some departments may view this as losing access to necessary protective equipment.