The People Over Long Lines Act mandates a maximum 30-minute wait time for federal elections, requires states to submit plans to ensure fair resource allocation, and establishes funding to prevent unreasonable voter delays.
Nikema Williams
Representative
GA-5
The People Over Long Lines Act (POLL Act) aims to protect the fundamental right to vote by establishing a national standard that no eligible citizen should wait more than 30 minutes to cast a ballot in a federal election. To achieve this, the bill mandates that states submit plans detailing how they will ensure fair wait times and requires the Attorney General to set minimum standards for voting resources like poll workers and equipment. Furthermore, the Act authorizes federal funding to help states comply and creates a private right of action allowing citizens to sue over excessive wait times.
The POLL Act Mandates 30-Minute Maximum Wait Time to Vote, Backed by $500M Annual Federal Funding
The newly proposed People Over Long Lines Act (POLL Act) aims to fix a frustrating and often discriminatory problem in American elections: the long line. This bill sets a hard federal limit, requiring that no voter in a federal election waits longer than 30 minutes at any polling place to cast their ballot. If you’ve ever skipped voting because you couldn’t afford to take three hours off work, this bill is designed specifically for you. It’s not just a suggestion; it’s a mandate backed by state-level planning requirements, federal funding, and even the threat of lawsuits.
The 30-Minute Rule and What It Means for Your Time
Starting 180 days after it becomes law, the core of the POLL Act (Sec. 3) is that 30-minute maximum wait time. To enforce this, states must create and publicize a detailed plan 60 days before every federal election, showing how they’ll meet this standard. If a jurisdiction fails badly—meaning a “significant number” of voters waited over 60 minutes—the Attorney General, through the Civil Rights Division, steps in to mandate a remedial plan. This is a significant expansion of federal oversight into the day-to-day logistics of local election management, focusing on ensuring resources are allocated fairly.
But the real teeth are in the right to sue. If you wait longer than 30 minutes, you can take the jurisdiction to federal court. The minimum civil penalty starts at $50, plus an additional $50 for every extra hour you waited. If the court finds the violation was intentional or reckless—say, a clear attempt to suppress votes—that penalty jumps to a minimum of $650, plus $150 for every extra hour. For the average worker, this turns wasted time into a tangible, enforceable right, ensuring local administrators have a financial incentive to get it right.
Putting Resources Where They’re Needed (Starting 2027)
Section 4 addresses how states are supposed to achieve the 30-minute goal by setting minimum requirements for election resources, starting in 2027. The Attorney General must develop standards dictating the minimum number of voting systems and poll workers needed at every site. The standards won't be one-size-fits-all; they must account for local factors like the number of registered voters, past turnout, and, critically, the specific needs of disabled voters and non-English speakers. The goal is equitable distribution, aiming for similar wait times across the entire state. For example, a polling place serving a rapidly growing urban area with high turnout would be legally required to staff up and deploy more machines than a sleepy rural precinct, ensuring a fair experience for everyone.
To help states pay for all this, Section 6 authorizes $500 million annually in federal payments. States are eligible for this cash just by submitting a plan on how they’ll spend it to reduce wait times. This funding is crucial because while the mandates create administrative burdens for state and local election offices, the federal government is providing a significant chunk of change to cover the costs of hiring more workers, buying more machines, and securing better venues.
Neutrality for the Top Brass
Finally, Section 5 introduces a major change for the chief state election official—usually the Secretary of State. Starting in 2027, this official is banned from actively participating in political campaigns for any federal office they supervise. They cannot serve on a campaign committee, use their official position to influence an election, or solicit campaign contributions for federal candidates. This is a direct response to concerns about the neutrality of the person literally running the election. There is one exception: if the official or an immediate family member is running for office, the official must recuse themselves entirely from all duties related to that specific election, and the replacement official cannot report to them. This provision aims to build public trust by forcing the state’s top election administrator to remain strictly non-partisan in the federal races they oversee.