This bill prohibits states from conducting more than one congressional redistricting following a decennial census and apportionment, unless mandated by a court.
Kevin Kiley
Representative
CA-3
This bill aims to establish a firm rule preventing states from conducting more than one congressional redistricting following each decennial census and apportionment. Once a state draws its federal district maps after the census, those maps must remain in place for the entire decade unless a court mandates a redraw due to constitutional or Voting Rights Act violations. This legislation specifically does not alter the process for drawing state or local election districts.
This proposed legislation aims to fundamentally change how states manage their congressional voting districts by imposing a strict federal limit: states can only redraw their maps once per decade following the official census count and apportionment. Think of it as a ten-year contract for your voting map. This restriction doesn’t touch state or local district lines, but for the U.S. House of Representatives, the map you get after the census is the map you’re stuck with until the next one. The bill cites Congress’s authority over the “time, place, and manner” of federal elections (SEC. 1) and will take effect for all redistricting cycles that occur after the November 2024 election (SEC. 4).
Under current rules, some states occasionally redraw their maps mid-decade, usually to fix population imbalances or address legal challenges. This bill (SEC. 2) essentially stops that practice cold. Once a state legally draws its new maps following the census, they are locked in. The only exception is if a federal court steps in and forces a redraw because the map violates the U.S. Constitution or the Voting Rights Act of 1965. If you live in a state that experiences rapid growth or decline—say, a major military base closes, or a metropolitan area explodes—your representation could become seriously lopsided by the middle of the decade, but the state legislature would be powerless to fix it.
For those who value stability, this bill is a win. It reduces the constant cycle of costly, time-consuming mid-decade map battles, leading to more predictable elections. However, the cost of that stability is flexibility. State legislatures lose the ability to correct errors or adapt to real-world changes. The biggest impact falls on voters in areas with high population turnover. Imagine a district that was perfectly balanced in 2021 but, by 2028, has seen its population drop by 20% due to economic shifts. Those remaining voters would have disproportionately high representation, while a fast-growing neighboring district would be severely underrepresented—and the state government couldn't touch it. The only recourse would be a federal lawsuit, which can take years and cost millions.
By taking the power to correct mid-decade issues away from state legislatures, this bill effectively shifts the entire burden of map oversight onto the federal courts. If a map has issues—even subtle ones that only become apparent years later—the only avenue for correction is proving a constitutional or VRA violation in court. This could lead to a backlog of complex litigation, meaning problematic maps could remain in place even longer while waiting for a judge’s ruling. While the bill aims for stability, it also concentrates the power to fix flawed maps almost exclusively in the hands of the federal judiciary, rather than allowing state governments to adjust to the needs of their changing populations.