This Act mandates the State Department to develop a comprehensive U.S. strategy to counter gang violence, restore stability, and support Haitian-led solutions in Haiti.
Gregory Meeks
Representative
NY-5
The SAK PASE in Haiti Act of 2025 mandates the Secretary of State to develop a comprehensive U.S. strategy to address the escalating security, economic, and humanitarian crises in Haiti. This strategy must focus on bolstering Haitian security forces, countering illicit gang support, promoting economic opportunity, and ensuring Haitian leadership in the solutions. The Secretary is required to report annually to Congress for five years on the implementation and progress of this coordinated international effort.
The Strategy to Address Key Priorities Affecting Security and Empowerment in Haiti Act of 2025, mercifully shortened to the SAK PASE in Haiti Act, is basically Congress telling the State Department, “Figure it out, and do it fast.” This bill mandates that the Secretary of State deliver a comprehensive strategy to Congress within 90 days outlining exactly how the U.S. plans to tackle the ongoing crisis in Haiti.
This isn't just a memo; it's a detailed blueprint that touches on everything from security to economics. The core purpose is to restore stability by countering the massive gang violence that has crippled the country. The strategy must specifically look at how the U.S. can support local Haitian security forces—the National Police and the Armed Forces—and assess the effectiveness of the current Multinational Security Support Mission (SEC. 3).
If you’re a policy wonk, the most interesting part is the requirement to figure out how to cut off the gangs’ supply lines. The State Department has to assess how weapons, money, and political support are flowing to these violent groups from outside Haiti. This means coordinating with the new Haitian transitional leadership to develop a joint plan to fight the gangs and re-establish the rule of law. It’s about stopping the problem at the source, not just cleaning up the aftermath.
The bill also forces the State Department to put on its economic development hat. The strategy needs to explore ways to boost jobs and opportunities, potentially leveraging existing programs like the Haiti HOPEHELP initiative. But here’s the critical check: the strategy must analyze how U.S. sanctions—designed to punish bad actors—might be accidentally making it harder for vital humanitarian aid to reach people in need (SEC. 3). For NGOs trying to deliver food or medicine, this assessment could be a huge deal, potentially streamlining aid delivery if the current rules are found to be too restrictive.
One of the strongest elements of this bill is its insistence on Haitian ownership. The entire approach must emphasize that the solution needs to be driven by the Haitian people themselves. This isn't a top-down American plan; it requires the Secretary of State to consult extensively with U.S. agencies (like USAID and the Trade Representative) and directly with Haitian stakeholders, including local non-governmental organizations and civil society groups (SEC. 3). For everyday Haitians, this provision is key, ensuring their voices and local knowledge are theoretically integrated into the long-term recovery plan.
Congress isn't just asking for a one-off report and calling it a day. The bill establishes clear accountability. After the initial strategy is submitted, the Secretary of State must send an update every year for the next five years (SEC. 4). These reports must detail progress, summarize conversations with Haitian groups, and—most importantly—provide metrics and benchmarks to show whether the international security support is actually working. This long-term reporting requirement is designed to keep the pressure on and ensure the strategy doesn’t just gather dust.