This Act establishes an FBI-led task force to combat oil theft in the Permian Basin, increases criminal penalties for related crimes, and allows states to use Byrne JAG funds for oil theft prevention.
Ernest "Tony" Gonzales
Representative
TX-23
The Protect the Permian Act of 2025 establishes an FBI-led Permian Basin Oil Theft Task Force to combat rising oil theft in the region. The bill also significantly increases criminal penalties for tampering with pipelines, transporting stolen oil across state lines, and related fraud. Finally, it authorizes states to use existing Byrne JAG grant funds specifically for oil theft investigation and reduction programs.
The “Protect the Permian Act of 2025” is laser-focused on one thing: stopping oil theft in the Permian Basin, a major energy production area. The bill tackles this issue on two fronts—by creating a dedicated federal task force and by dramatically increasing the criminal penalties for related crimes. Essentially, it’s making oil theft a much bigger deal for federal law enforcement and handing out much stiffer sentences.
Section 2 of the bill authorizes the FBI Director to create the Permian Basin Oil Theft Task Force. This isn’t just a memo; it requires at least two full-time FBI employees, with one serving as the leader. The goal is to coordinate efforts across Federal, State, local, and Tribal law enforcement agencies to crack down on theft. Think of it as putting the FBI in charge of a specialized neighborhood watch, but for oil infrastructure. Interestingly, the bill also allows the FBI to coordinate with “other groups that know a lot about the oil and gas industry,” which is a pretty broad permission slip. This means industry experts or private security firms could be working closely with federal agents, which raises questions about transparency and who exactly is influencing law enforcement priorities.
This task force is authorized to receive between $100,000 and $1,000,000 in funding and must report back to Congress annually on its activities, including the number of charges filed and convictions secured. For the average person, this means federal resources are being specifically mobilized to protect energy infrastructure, which proponents argue helps stabilize energy supply and pricing.
Section 3 ramps up the consequences for anyone caught messing with the system. If you tamper with an interstate pipeline or an oil refinery, the maximum prison sentence jumps from 3 years to 5 years, or from 10 years to 15 years for more serious crimes. If you’re caught moving stolen oil, equipment, or even just pipeline technology across state lines, the maximum penalty goes from one year to 5 years, and up to 15 years for major offenses. This is a significant bump.
This change directly impacts anyone involved in these crimes, even minor players. For instance, someone caught moving a truckload of stolen pipeline equipment across a state border could now face a maximum of 5 years in federal prison, where previously they might have faced only one year. The bill is sending a clear message: crimes against energy infrastructure are now treated with much greater severity under federal law.
Section 4 changes how states can spend federal grant money. It expands the use of Byrne JAG funds—a major source of federal funding for state and local criminal justice programs—to explicitly include programs aimed at fighting oil theft. This means a state or local police department could now use these federal funds to hire staff specifically to investigate oil theft cases.
While this provides new resources for tackling oil crime, it also means that those funds are being directed away from other local priorities. If a state decides to heavily fund oil theft investigations, it could mean less Byrne JAG money available for things like community policing, drug enforcement, or domestic violence programs. Local jurisdictions will have to weigh the importance of securing oil infrastructure against other pressing public safety needs when allocating these grant dollars.