PolicyBrief
H.R. 2622
119th CongressApr 3rd 2025
Russia-North Korea Cooperation Sanctions Act
IN COMMITTEE

This Act imposes sanctions on foreign individuals and entities facilitating North Korea's transfer of weapons or support to Russia for its war in Ukraine.

Gerald Connolly
D

Gerald Connolly

Representative

VA-11

LEGISLATION

Mandatory Sanctions Target Russia-North Korea Arms Deals: Asset Freezes and Visa Bans Required

The newly proposed Russia-North Korea Cooperation Sanctions Act is designed to cut off the arms pipeline between Pyongyang and Moscow. The bill mandates that the President impose sanctions—meaning asset freezes and visa bans—on any foreign actor facilitating the transfer of North Korean weapons to Russia for use in the Ukraine war. This includes anyone moving the arms, knowingly importing or exporting related items, helping with logistics, or even foreign financial institutions that knowingly handle major transactions for these sanctioned entities (SEC. 3).

The Logistics of War: Who Gets Hit?

This isn't about gentle wrist-slapping; the sanctions are mandatory and severe. If you are a foreign individual or entity caught helping this arms trade, the U.S. government must use the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) to seize any property or financial interests you hold in the U.S. (SEC. 3). Think of it like this: if a foreign shipping company is moving North Korean artillery shells to a Russian port, the company’s U.S.-based accounts and assets could be instantly frozen. Furthermore, anyone sanctioned is immediately barred from entering the U.S., and any existing visa is revoked.

Crucially, the bill doesn't just target the arms dealers. It also zeroes in on the banks. If a foreign financial institution knowingly processes a major transaction for one of these sanctioned individuals or entities, that bank itself faces sanctions (SEC. 3). For businesses relying on global finance, this provision raises the stakes considerably, forcing foreign banks to be extremely vigilant about who they are servicing, lest they lose access to the U.S. financial system. This is a massive headache for compliance departments worldwide.

Expanding the Sanctions Net

This Act isn't creating a sanctions regime from scratch; it's bolting new, specific requirements onto existing law. It explicitly updates the North Korea Sanctions and Policy Enhancement Act of 2016 to include a new mandate: halting any material support given to Russia for its war in Ukraine (SEC. 4). This means the U.S. is formally integrating the goal of stopping the Ukraine war into its long-standing framework for penalizing North Korea. For policy wonks, this is a clear signal that the U.S. views these two conflicts as inseparable in terms of sanctions strategy.

The Presidential Waiver: A National Security Loophole

While the sanctions are mandatory, the President retains a significant escape hatch: the ability to waive these sanctions against a specific person or institution (SEC. 3). However, this isn't a blank check. To use this power, the President must certify to Congress, 15 days in advance, that lifting the sanctions is “absolutely vital for U.S. national security interests.” While this allows flexibility in complex diplomatic situations, it also concentrates significant power in the executive branch. This means that even if someone is clearly facilitating the arms trade, the Administration could choose to look the other way if they deem it necessary for a broader foreign policy goal.

There is also a narrow exception for humanitarian organizations. An internationally recognized humanitarian group won't be penalized for transactions or transport that is incidental to providing aid, but only if they secure a specific waiver from the President (SEC. 3). This is important because without this explicit carve-out, aid groups could inadvertently run afoul of complex financial sanctions while trying to deliver life-saving supplies.

Mandatory Reporting and Strategy

To keep Congress in the loop, the bill requires the President to submit a detailed report within 90 days of the law’s enactment, and then every 180 days thereafter (SEC. 5). This report must list every foreign person or bank sanctioned under the Act, detail what they did, and, critically, outline the U.S. strategy for stopping North Korea’s support for Russia. This ensures that the U.S. strategy isn't just about punishment; it’s about a proactive plan to shut down the cooperation, and Congress gets to review that plan regularly.