This bill prohibits the export of specified defense articles to the United Arab Emirates until the President certifies that the UAE has ceased providing material support to the Rapid Support Forces in Sudan.
Sara Jacobs
Representative
CA-51
This bill prohibits the issuance of licenses for the exportation of specified defense articles to the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The ban remains in effect until the President certifies to Congress that the UAE has ceased providing material support to the Rapid Support Forces operating in Sudan. This effectively halts the sale or transfer of a wide range of major U.S. military equipment to the UAE.
This legislation immediately slams the brakes on selling or exporting almost all major U.S. military equipment and technology to the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Starting the day it becomes law, the President cannot issue export licenses for a massive list of defense articles to the UAE or any of its government agencies. This isn’t a temporary timeout; the ban stays in place until the President formally tells Congress that the UAE has stopped providing “material support” to the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) currently operating in Sudan.
Think of the U.S. Munitions List as the catalog for military hardware. This bill blocks sales across a huge chunk of that catalog—specifically Categories I through VIII, XIV, XVI, XVII, and XVIII. We’re talking everything from firearms and ammunition (Category I) to aircraft (Category VIII), specialized electronics, and even nuclear-related items (Category XVIII). If you’re a U.S. defense contractor, this is an immediate, full-stop suspension of business with a key customer. The sheer scope of the prohibition means that established defense relationships, maintenance contracts, and future sales are instantly put on hold, creating massive uncertainty for companies that rely on this trade.
The core issue here is geopolitical: the UAE’s alleged support for the RSF in Sudan. By tying the arms ban to this specific foreign policy condition, the bill applies immediate, high-stakes pressure on the UAE to change its behavior in the Sudanese conflict. For regular Americans, this is a reminder that foreign policy decisions often have direct impacts on U.S. industries and jobs—the defense sector is a major employer, and losing a large, reliable customer like the UAE is not a small thing.
This ban isn't permanent, but the only person who can lift it is the President, who must certify to the House Foreign Affairs and Senate Foreign Relations Committees that the UAE has met the condition (i.e., stopped supporting the RSF). This mechanism concentrates significant power in the Executive Branch, allowing the White House to decide when the UAE is sufficiently compliant. While the goal is clear—stop the support for the RSF—the determination of what constitutes 'material support' and when it has truly 'stopped' is highly subjective. This means the resumption of sales could become a political bargaining chip, potentially influenced by factors beyond the Sudanese conflict itself.
For the U.S. foreign policy team, this bill creates immediate friction. The UAE is a major strategic partner in the Middle East, and abruptly cutting off their access to U.S. defense articles could force them to look elsewhere—like China or Russia—for military supplies. This could undermine years of efforts to maintain interoperability and influence in the region. While the intent is to address a specific foreign policy concern in Sudan, the practical effect is a major disruption to a long-standing security partnership, which could have ripple effects on regional stability and U.S. interests that are far removed from the conflict in question.