The Falun Gong Protection Act combats forced organ harvesting in China by imposing sanctions on those involved, requiring reports on China's organ transplant practices, and expressing U.S. policy to pressure China to end persecution of Falun Gong.
Scott Perry
Representative
PA-10
The Falun Gong Protection Act aims to combat forced organ harvesting in China by imposing sanctions on individuals involved in the practice. It requires the President to identify and sanction those who participate in involuntary organ harvesting, blocking their assets and denying them entry into the U.S. The Act also mandates a report on organ transplant practices in China, including the persecution of Falun Gong practitioners, and promotes international collaboration to address these issues.
A new piece of legislation, the 'Falun Gong Protection Act,' is making its way through the process, and it's got some hefty goals. At its core, this bill aims to put a stop to forced organ harvesting in China, with a particular focus on the persecution of Falun Gong practitioners. The U.S. policy, as stated in the bill (Sec. 2), would be to sidestep cooperation with China on organ transplants as long as the current party is in power, use sanctions to pressure an end to state-sponsored organ harvesting, and team up with allies to highlight the issue.
So, how does this bill plan to apply pressure? The main tool is sanctions (Sec. 3). The President would be tasked with creating a list of foreign individuals, specifically in China, who are knowingly involved in or helping with involuntary organ harvesting. This isn't a one-and-done list; it's due to Congress within 180 days of the bill becoming law and then updated annually for five years. If someone lands on this list, they're looking at having their U.S.-based property and assets blocked – think frozen bank accounts or real estate. This muscle comes from the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA), a law that gives the President broad powers to regulate economic transactions during national emergencies. Furthermore, listed individuals would be barred from entering the U.S., and any existing visas would be revoked, as per the rules in the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA).
For example, if a Chinese official is identified as facilitating the sourcing of organs from prisoners of conscience for transplants, they could find themselves unable to travel to the U.S. or access any assets they might have here. This directly impacts individuals deemed responsible, aiming to make participation in such practices personally costly.
Beyond sanctions, the bill calls for a deep dive into China's organ transplant system (Sec. 4). Within a year, the Secretary of State, working with Health and Human Services and the National Institutes of Health, needs to send a report to Congress. This isn't just a surface-level summary. The report must detail official versus actual organ transplant policies, especially concerning prisoners. It needs to estimate the number of transplants and voluntary donors, assess where the organs are coming from, and scrutinize if the organ procurement timeline even makes sense given the number of known donors.
Crucially, the report must also list any U.S. grants over the last decade that supported organ transplant research in China or collaborations between U.S. and Chinese entities. Imagine a U.S. university medical center that unknowingly collaborated on research linked to unethical practices; this report aims to bring such connections to light. Finally, it requires a formal determination on whether the persecution of Falun Gong practitioners in China constitutes an 'atrocity' under the Elie Wiesel Genocide and Atrocities Prevention Act of 2018, a law designed to strengthen the U.S. response to such crimes. This could have significant diplomatic and policy implications.
Now, like any complex piece of legislation, there are conditions and limits. The sanctions aren't absolute. There are exemptions for national security activities, authorized intelligence operations, and, importantly, for humanitarian aid – so, transactions for things like food, medicine, and agricultural goods aren't targeted (Sec. 3). The importation of goods, defined as items excluding technical data, is also exempt from these sanctions (Sec. 5). This means trade in most physical products wouldn't be directly hit by this specific bill's sanctions.
There's also a presidential waiver (Sec. 3). If it's deemed in the 'vital national security interest' of the U.S., the President can waive sanctions on a case-by-case basis, though Congress needs to be notified. This 'vital national security interest' clause is a bit of a gray area and gives the executive branch some flexibility. Both the sanctions list and the big report can have classified annexes, meaning some information might not be public, which could make full public oversight a bit tricky. And, it's worth noting, the authority to impose these sanctions has a built-in expiration date: five years after the law is enacted (Sec. 3). This means the pressure campaign, at least under this specific act, is time-limited unless further action is taken down the road.