The "Make Gaza Great Again Act" aims to pressure Middle Eastern countries (excluding Israel) to accept Palestinian refugees from Gaza by imposing sanctions on individuals and potentially suspending major non-NATO ally status and foreign aid for non-cooperating nations.
Andrew Ogles
Representative
TN-5
The "Make Gaza Great Again Act" aims to ensure cooperation from Middle Eastern countries (excluding Israel) in providing humanitarian entry to Palestinians from Gaza. It authorizes the President to impose sanctions on foreign individuals who refuse to grant such entry, including blocking their assets and denying them entry into the U.S. The bill also allows the President to suspend a country's status as a major non-NATO ally and halt foreign assistance if they refuse to allow humanitarian entry to Palestinians from Gaza.
The "Make Gaza Great Again Act" is new legislation that pushes Middle Eastern countries—except Israel—to open their doors to Palestinians leaving Gaza. The core idea? If these countries don't cooperate with U.S. requests for "humanitarian entry," they'll face serious consequences.
This bill gives the President some hefty leverage. Within 60 days of the law's enactment, and regularly for five years, the President must identify any foreign government officials who refuse to grant humanitarian entry to Palestinians from Gaza. Once identified, the President can:
Penalties for breaking these rules are severe, matching those under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act. There are exceptions for national security activities, and the President can waive sanctions, but must report to Congress every 120 days on why.
Beyond individual sanctions, the bill targets entire countries. If a nation designated as a "major non-NATO ally" refuses a Presidential request to accept Palestinian refugees, the President can:
The President can reverse these actions, but must notify Congress in writing.
Section 4 explicitly states that this law does not apply to Israel or its citizens. This means Israel is under no obligation to take any action under this law, which is a significant point given the context.
While the stated goal is humanitarian, the bill's heavy-handed approach raises some flags. For example, "humanitarian entry" isn't clearly defined. Does it mean temporary shelter? Permanent resettlement? This vagueness could lead to disputes. Consider a hypothetical: a country offers temporary visas but not full residency. Does that count as "refusal"? The bill leaves that open.
Also, the five-year sunset clause on the sanctions authority suggests this is envisioned as a temporary pressure tactic, not a long-term solution. The repeated reporting requirements to the House Committee on Foreign Affairs and the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations (Sec. 2) ensure some oversight, but the President retains considerable power.
Imagine a mid-level official in a fictional country, "Al-Aman," tasked with refugee processing. If Al-Aman's government, already stretched thin, hesitates to accept a large influx of refugees, that official could be personally sanctioned, their family's U.S. assets frozen, and their ability to travel curtailed. This puts immense pressure not just on governments, but on individuals carrying out policy.
Overall, the "Make Gaza Great Again Act" uses a stick, not a carrot. It's a high-stakes gamble that could either force cooperation or backfire, straining relations with key allies in a volatile region. The lack of any incentives, combined with broad presidential power and the specific exclusion of Israel, makes this a particularly forceful piece of legislation.